Showing posts with label ussf. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ussf. Show all posts

Thursday, June 28, 2007

The Hunger and Urgency of the Movement's Moment

There is a hunger in our movement for discussing the state of the movement, and future directions. Every session that I've attended today that had part of its focus as immigrant rights also wanted to focus on national strategy, especially now given that the Senate Bill, is as far as we can see, dead.

There was the first press conference this morning from 9:30 am - 10:00 am at the Immigrant Rights tent.


The first workshop I went to was hosted by the National Network for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, and facilitated by Cathi Tactaquin from NNIRR and Hamid Khan from South Asian Network. The second one was one facilitated by Susan Williams and Monica Hernandez of the Highlander Research and Education Center.

What I captured from the conversations that people wanted to call out and lift up in terms of strategy were the following:
  1. calling out the DC groups - their lack of accountability to grassroots groups, to groups outside of DC.
  2. more education -- both internally in our own communities, and between communities (race, gender, nation, sexuality, documentation status and others) about the different lived experiences
  3. more media work that supports the effort at internal education - this means for us, doing work in immigrant communities through youth and ethnic media. For white folks, it means not shying away from the discussion on racism, and learning to listen in a deep way.
  4. to stand in meaningful solidarity with each other
  5. healing work for the hurt and trauma and fear of those affected -- detainess, former detainees, their families & communities
  6. education -- the link to colonialism -- if there's one thing we learned from all the struggles to decolonize, ongoing and past, it's that we can't play by their rules.
  7. doing anti-oppression work -- one woman brought up that she entered the work on immigration through work against domestic violence with women on the border, calling attention to the many ways that violence manifests, and the different ways that we are made vulnerable.
anyway, that's what i can think of right now.

come visit us at the Immigrant Rights Tent!


the march


what a
relief to walk out of the MARTA station at 2:30 yesterday in the afternoon, in the sweltering heat, and hear and see this from the inside of the train station!

Faces of the Immigrant Rights Caucus

how do we do the things we do? and why?

I think the way we do things reflects a lot about our real beliefs and values. Not just the values in terms of words, but because the way we do things is what has been made real and visceral, made it into the body and the heart, beyond the intellect.

and so that's why I appreciate the way we opened up the orientation, a chance for all of us to meet new people in the Caucus, a space for people to congregate, to leave things, to express a visual solidarity.

It is one of the strengths, the power, and a product of a lot of love, many years of trust building, that these are leaders who are here to serve -- that reflect, that listen to the shared analyses and help encapsulate them. Listening to the same conversation in many places is helping us to consolidate, to bring together this analysis. So even tho the workshops are supposed to be different, sometimes they are similar. These are the wan hua (10,000 flowers) blossoming. Conversations, sparks, moments.

And that we were able to embody our movement -- the diversity of race, sexual orientation, gender presentation, and also, to bring with us as many parts of our whole selves as possible into the space - art, song, movement, visuals. I hope it's a piece that we can bring into being continuously in our work.

It's why I do popular education, but really, why that philosophy of wholeness, I attempt to bring into most everything I do. Organizing, political work, and even some times recreational activities -- transforming the spaces in which we live, work, play, sing, and love each other.

That's a vision I learned in part from the environmental justice movement, and from the many different kinds of feminist and womanist movements.


Other key elements of this work together, through which we enact the better world we dream, are dialogue, and collaboration.

As some of the folks I've been talking to about popular education have reminded me, just acknowledging our problems together are basic ingredients of transformational organizing. That it breaks the isolation of a problem and helps us realize the collective and systemic nature of oppression.

Tuesday, June 26, 2007

The Wasatch Range or Knowing Our Place

Immigrant rights in flight and on the road from Oakland to the U.S. Social Forum in Atlanta

by arnoldo garcía

I asked him if he knew the name of the mountain range visible in the distance, as our jet-plane sauntered along towards the runway. He said, “No; I’m not from here.” He smiled a sheepish smile adding in self-defense, “But I do come here once a week.” Our plane turned into the headwinds, gained enough speed and lifted up gracefully towards the east, grazing the mountain range without a name with the tip of its wing. I am coming from Oakland to Atlanta through Salt Lake City, where I will learn the names of the original peoples, the natural world and her landscapes, her languages.

Oakland is a city of migrants. I came to Oakland, too, from a long tradition of migrants.

On the way to the Oakland airport, we drove by new corridor of housing, commercial and semi-industrial development that’s been underway for more than a decade. Gentrification, in a word. These new developments are the surface of the root causes of displacement. East Oaklanders – mainly of color, working class – are having to move far away to afford rent and also find work. And who’s replacing them? Mainly white but professionals moving into the inner city to save the environment, to live the neighborhood where they plan on living in walkable neighborhoods, with local shops and neighbors. Capitalist stability trades human lives for the center.

As the plane reached higher and higher altitudes, the quilt of cities and agriculture fields below, the quilt sewn by working class hands emerged in all its beauty, in full, wide angle. The curvature of the earth is the best place to put your hands – where humanity has held onto, cradled its head to sleep secure in the cosmos, on her shoulder. I remembered or realized that the migrant knows her place, where she’s from, where’s she’s going, and where she’s at.

When you look closely, migration is the human way of life, the human story of life and its deepest struggles and dreams. When we migrate, we dream of return, of home because we are not welcomed where we now call home. Migration is local, regional, national, trans-territorial, international; yet the impacts are always in my neighborhood and in my community, wherever I come from and go to.

Root causes, different yet the same everywhere

We say that the root causes of migration are political and economic instability and conflict. Instability is stability for some communities. In East and West Oakland, there is a lot of political and economic instability for those who live there now. Those moving in are working towards stability; this means some of their poorer, working class neighbors will have to move or choose to live in increasingly stressful situations.

My African American neighbors eventually sold their home to a young white couple with a growing family. The housing price boom was good to both of them. But did they want to leave? The last straw was when their son was killed by the violence that plagues young men of color wherever they live.

One night a bunch of Oakland police raided their home in the middle of the night. Our dog, who usually barks at anything that makes noise or passes by the house only, growled this time. She too was very scared of the police in riot gear, the heavily armed men in black, appearing as menacing shadows in the night to arrest a young black man for violating his parole.

My neighborhood in east Oakland has gone from majority African American, Latino, Asian and some whites to majority Latino, Asian, African American with a growing number of whites – more than I have seen in the last 20 years.

This is one of the faces of metropolitics – managing growth, smart growth the government declares it, at regional metropolitan levels. The metropolitics of smart growth is about dispersing poverty throughout a region, among other things. It turned out that the majority of under-utilized and abandoned commercial, industrial and housing districts were where majority communities of color live: East Oakland, the Fruitvale (also known as Jingl-Town), West Oakland, China Town. Or San Francisco's Bay View Hunter's Point, which had the highest percentage of home ownership of any other district in The City.

Smart growth turned out to be the same old growth that led to our segregation and abandonment. That is, this time dispersing, displacing the poor from the urban center to the suburbs, where the jobs they can do are located and leaving our neighborhoods, corner grocery stores and other community amenities behind. Wherever people of color go they still have a hard time affording the rent and other amenities.

Smart growth believes that the poor will benefit from living in the midst of stable working people, middle and upper classes. It means making it safe for the stable working people, the middle class, to move into the city, abandoned by capital and community over the years, now revitalizing, thriving with transit villages and downtown housing, cinemas, boutiques, microbreweries, fancy cocktail bars and transportation. And that the middle and upper class will be good for the inner city, because suburbanization will recede, saving the environment, bring investment into the inner city – but for who? Instead of smart growth, just growth, healthy growth, jobs, homes, services, schools, clinics, hospitals, bowling alleys, art galleries, neighborhoods where we live, work, study, worship, play.

In easterly Oakland, the new housing, condos, expresso café shops, tequila bars, the beautiful placita, a growing diversity of clothing and other stores and restaurants that provide amenities are popping up – but they’re not for the people who have lived here for generations and are now disappearing.

The expensive but tasty coffees and pastries, the wi-fi hot spots, the occasional boutiques, the new houses, even the old houses, are not for us, not for day laborers, not for the young black and brown men and women, the perennially unemployed who are forced to hustle, sell drugs or sex for the cheapest price. Not for domestic workers, not for the transnational mothers cleaning homes and taking care of someone else’s children while his and hers languish alone in apartment buildings, on street corners or exist in a neighborhood in another country.

Working class immigrants and people of color, the working poor and their families, double up and triple up, to afford rent and food. Sometimes unscrupulously, neighbors call in the inspectors to force renters to move out for housing code violations or for illicit going on’s next door, the plight of the poor or working poor, who face homelessness. In the suburbs, it’s not much different. In addition to doubling up, they also rent converted garages and work two, three jobs or make the long drive back to Oakland or San Francisco to work for minimum wage jobs to survive far away from their old homes.

“Where do the people go?”

In NNIRR’s documentary, Uprooted: Refugees from the Global Economy, Francisco Herrera sings the blues in English and Spanish, asking “Where will the people go? A donde vamos?” when they are forced to abandon their homelands, their communities, their neighbors and family. They go where they can survive, which usually means where their families can be together. Because only together, where everyone works even two or three jobs, can families survive. Family reunification means emotional and economic stability. Without comprehensive stability, migration usually enters into the picture. Migration is not just about crossing international borders. It’s also crossing metropolitan borders, defined by city, district and regional borders.

Day laborers, immigrant workers, are working at landscaping, janitorial, day-wall construction, washing dishes in the back rooms of restaurants, cooking, cleaning tables and houses, making rooms up at hotels, sweeping sidewalks, cleaning up floods at people’s homes. They are street-vendors and pushcart workers selling ice cream, tasty local fast-food from taco-trucks and mini- kitchens on wheels. They are almost former migrant farmworkers who are leaving the fields forever, if they’re lucky, and try surviving in the city.

Why do they move into the inner city, where life is hard, unstable, filled with risks and empty of sufficient and needed services, such as health care, social services, decent schools, safe neighborhoods free of police and passer-by violence? Why do they leave the intimacy of their lands and communities, where they are different, where they are vulnerable?

The short answer is the same reason workers and middle class people become international migrants – to go to where their national and regional investments and resources have been abducted to. They are involuntarily displaced and forced to choose where they will survive. Not all become international migrants; some become regional migrants, commuters finding work close by in their metropolitan regional economy. Some move away to other regions, some of them into international regions, transterritorial regions straddled by global cities separated by geography, united by migrants and capital mobility.

The New Urban Regime?

Saskia Sassen, the renoun radical urban planner, in her theoretical work calls this state of affairs the new “urban regime,” a new relationship between high-skilled, high wage workers and white collar professionals who can afford to pay and need the services of low-wage, lower skilled workers, usually but not exclusively immigrants. The new urban regime is also about global cities that share a transterritorial and transnational economy. The urban regime is also one way of describing the relationship between international migrants and the local and regional economies.

Migrants serve and provide services that otherwise metro-communities could not have or afford to have without the infusion of low-skilled, lower waged workers who also serve national poor and working class people and the upper and middle classes. Yes, the poor among the poor, the working class among the working class also needs the migrant laborer to survive. Competition at the bottom is fueled by those at the top who bid and underbid for the services of the working poor, the undocumented and documented, the citizen and non-citizen who live day to day, week to week, stabilizing the regional and national economies, the neighborhoods.

This is the deep demographic shift, the demographic revolution, taking place in the U.S., casued basically by neoliberal policies and social, political and economic restructuring where services, investments, jobs, capital, infrastructure and the labor power and skills needed follow suit.

Immigrants open cuisine restaurants, dry-cleaning shops, offer domestic and childcare services, high-end tailor stores, clean yards and create dream landscaping yards; drive taxis and bicycles transporting people and business deals downtown. They are paid survival wages. They revitalize the inner city. This is the U.S. version of “three for one” remittances programs, when foreign governments at the federal, state and local levels match one dollar each for every dollar a migrant sends to their home community. Three for one is actually six for one – their remittances that aren’t sent abroad play the same dynamic, development role in revitalizing urban and suburban centers.

When immigrants do this, especially undocumented immigrants, they are forced to leave a gaping hole back home. The situation back home is also a victim of this “new urban regime.” If the local or regional economy does not serve this relationship between high-skilled/high waged labor and low-skilled, lower waged workers, it too is abandoned as its industries and workers are forced to leave.

The businessman commuter flies in and out of cities – maybe through no fault of his own – doesn’t know where he is from, where he is at or where he is going. He doesn’t know the names of mountain ranges and landscapes, made by human labor, that he is flying over. He says he comes here once a week, has never learned the names of the places or their languages. He’s a local of the sky, where you can see everything but are are from nowhere.

This is the first time I fly into Salt Lake City and rush from one plane to the next, like a true commuter, with no time to look around, drink coffee, talk a bit with someone who knows where she’s at, knows the names of the mountains and who the Ute were, how the Wasatch got their names, maybe.

I want to know what languages she speaks, why her dust is so salty, ancient sea, oldest ancestor, elder sister whose mountain range acts as a couple of hands that cup to hold the moving sea of the last terrestial big bang. What are her names and why have they been changed? What are our names and why have they been changed? What have we lost and what have we gained in this latest terrestial big bang known as globalization, neoliberal capital development, structural adjustment that de-adjusts our communities, destabilizes us for generations?

This is why we're going to Atlanta, to think out loud and in private about as many problems and solutions as possible, together. Immigrant rights are none other than plain old rights, human rights, for everyone. We are all immigrants, todos somos inmigrantes. Well, many of us are and many believe they're not. And that's the root of the problem.

In-Flight Observation

I am watching the movie on the plane “Breach – based on a true story.” Isn’t all art, cinema, movies, film, poetry, fiction, non-fiction, analyses, narratives, history, political struggles and organizing, community stories, our daily bread and tortillas all based on true stories? That is the true story of the human imagination, human migrations.

Tuesday, June 19, 2007

Its Here! The First U.S. Social Forum

by Colin Rajah

Its been a long time coming – more than 3 years since the April 2004 meeting in Washington DC that launched the United States Social Forum (USSF) process! NNIRR has been at the heart of that process, even before that historic meeting in DC, in consultation meetings with the World Social Forum (WSF) International Council in Miami back in November 2003. From the Central and Executive Committees, to the Timeline and Site Selection Committee (when all those existed!), NNIRR and a core group of committed grassroots organizations started paving the way to the USSF with little more than a vision and some hope.


As one of the very first members of the National Planning Committee (NPC), Program Work Group co-chair, and Immigrant Rights Plenary co-chair, the process has already enabled us to build new relationships, enhance existing ones, create new understandings within and between movements, and allowed us to envision a stronger and more united social and economic justice movement in the U.S.


Immigrant Communities Leadership and Participation in the USSF


NNIRR has focused on ensuring that immigrant rights communities and organizations have had a central role in organizing the USSF, and that immigrant rights-related issues are sufficiently represented throughout the USSF program. This has led to over 25 NNIRR member organizations and more than 200 individuals from those organizations participating in the USSF. Alongside a number of those organizations, we also drafted security considerations for immigrant participants and their allies and a checklist for travel plans (see www.ussf2007.org/immigration and www.ussf2007.org/immigration_checklist.)


Immigrant Rights Plenary


NNIRR’s participation in the NPC has also indirectly resulted in Immigrant Rights being established as one of the six USSF-organized evening plenaries at the Civic Center, scheduled for Friday (June 29th) at 8:00pm following the Indigenous Voices plenary. Moderated by NNIRR Director, Cathi Tactaquin, the panelists represent a broad cross-section of the sectors within the Immigrant Rights movement from various regions around the country, and promise to engage in exciting debate and dialogue on where the movement is at, where it can and should go, and what its relationship is to other social and economic justice movements in the U.S. For more details about the plenary, visit: www.ussf2007.org/plenary_dialogues.


Immigrant Rights Caucus & Tent


NNIRR has also initiated an Immigrant Rights Caucus and an Immigrant Rights Tent at the USSF. The Caucus will launch their participation in the USSF with an orientation and march preparation on Wednesday (June 27th) at the Immigrant Rights Tent, where we will also depart for the opening march together. The Caucus is also having dinner checkins at the tent from 5:30 – 6:00pm on Thursday, Friday and Saturday (June 28th, 29th & 30th) before departing together to the evening plenaries each evening. Communications for the Caucus will be done primarily through the Caucus' wiki: http://migrantsrights.wiki.zoho.com. All immigrant rights organizations are invited to participate in any of these Caucus events. Other events, workshops and meetings are also being held at the Immigrant Rights Tent and a full schedule of these will be posted on the wiki and at the tent.


Workshops


In addition to all these, NNIRR is also lead organizing the following workshops:

  • Trade & Migration: Exploring the Intersections of Trade & Immigration Policies from Community Perspectives
  • The Battle for Immigrant Rights and the 2008 Elections
  • Linking Communities to Stop Border Militarization and Interior Raids/Deportations: A National Community Dialogue

And NNIRR is involved in co-organizing and/or participating in the following workshops:

  • Approaches to Organizing on Trade
  • Countering the Bilateral Free Trade Agreement
  • Immigrant Rights Messaging
  • Bringing the Immigrant Rights and LGBTST Movements Home

This very first USSF promises to be an important catalyst for social and economic justice in the U.S. Coming on the heels of historic immigrant community mobilizations around the country over the last year, it is also a critical opportunity for us to take stock of where our movement is positioned within the larger context, and how we can and should be more attentive to and engaging with other movements.

Thursday, May 03, 2007

World Social Forum on the Road from Nairobi to Atlanta: Who Does the WSF Belong to?

World Social Forum on the Road from Nairobi to Atlanta:
Who Does the WSF Belong to?

By Michael Leon Guerrero
February 13, 2007

The 2007 World Social Forum (WSF) was probably the most challenging WSF to date. Many contradictions surfaced and became tensions in Nairobi. There are criticisms that NGOs (non-governmental organizations) and churches dominated the process, and that local Kenyan movements were shut out. Some of the services of the forum were contracted to corporations – cell phone provider Celltel had a big presence as well as resort hotels like the Windsor, who had a beer and food tent located in the prime vending location of Kasarani Stadium, site of the WSF. The Kenyan Security Minister, also known as “the crusher” for his role in repressing anti-government political actions, owns the Windsor. On the third day of the forum, local Kenyans shut down the Windsor’s operation, protesting the high cost of food. They also mobilized actions each of the first two days to demand that the registration fees be waived for Kenyans. Ultimately, the gates were left open.

The Costs of Another World?

The fee structure was established by the International Council (IC) after a report was published by the Resources Commission: World Social Forum Financial Strategy, Report and Recommendations. The report was commissioned by IBASE , the Brazilian think tank and one of the founding organizations of the WSF. The study responded to the chronic deficits of the WSFs since 2005 and puts forward recommendations on how the WSF can be sustainable and less dependent on governments and foundations. One of the findings is that the registration fees are too low. In a breakdown of expenses per delegate, including airfares, lodging, food, shopping, etc. private businesses benefit much more financially than the WSF itself. In fact delegates paid $10 to the WSF out of an average of $1100 total contributed to the local economy. The IC implemented a new fee structure for WSF07, raising registration to as high as $500 per organization and $110 per individual for groups from the north.

The fee for Kenyans was roughly 500 Kenyan shillings – equivalent to one-week’s minimum-wage salary. Local organizers said that they had argued to lower the fee and after the first day everyone was admitted for free, but not in response to the protests. They also asserted that from the beginning there was a sliding scale and contingencies so that no Kenyans would be turned away. The role of corporate sponsors was a sore point and it is still not clear why Celltel and the Windsor were so prominent. One local observer speculated that this might have been a concession in order for the WSF to have access to the stadium facilities.

The fact that logistical issues like this flared into big political debates highlights underlying questions over the character and purpose of the World Social Forum. Who does the WSF belong to? Is it a space for the social movements to coordinate and strategize, an arena for intellectual debate, or is it a broader open space for political expression? The consensus among those involved in the process seems to be that the answer is “all of the above – and more”. Yet the debates in Nairobi raise questions about how broad the space should be.

The Past and Future of the WSF

“...The holistic approach was often just knee-jerk, "oppose all forms of exploitation". At that overall, movement level, there was little if any strategic thinking.

As a result, this year Davos won. Since that first WSF in 2001 China has doubled its wealth and output; India, and Turkey, have grown theirs by more than half. Then, Google had only recently got its initial funding. Today, the argument on climate change is over. For all the glitz and its versions of hot air, these huge changes are (as Simon Zadek's blog shows) being seriously mapped and assessed at Davos. In Nairobi they were addressed only peripherally, if at all.” (Anthony Barnett, openDemocracy)

Engaging in debates on these large questions was one of the original intents of the WSF. In a sense, in 2008 we are going back to the roots of the forum, which was born out of the mobilizations started at the Battle in Seattle in 1999. WSF was organized as the proactive response to define an alternative global vision to neoliberal capitalism. To date, there is no uniting vision for what “Another World” will look like - understanding that this is idealistic to expect from a young global process, and ultimately there may never be one vision. But it’s not clear how the structure of the forum or its agenda will lead to defining alternative visions.

The fourth day of the 2007 WSF was dedicated more to strategy discussions on global actions and campaigns. This ended up being somewhat messy. Originally morning sessions on the spectrum of issues were to lead into five afternoon plenaries where the groups would present their proposals. In this way there would be a convergence of different issue areas, so that groups working on housing could hear the plans of groups working on environment or militarism, etc. Somewhere along the way the agenda was changed so that in the end there were 21 plenaries based on separate issues. The locations of these plenaries were not in the program. People had to find banners hanging from the stadium that gave a list of the locations. At least one plenary – on free trade – did not happen.

In the end, some level of convergence happened at the Social Movements Assembly (SMA) during the last two hours of the forum. Two thousand people crowded into a tent and heard rousing speeches and declarations from the different discussions during the week. It was probably the most productive moment of the forum. SMA organizers have published the proceedings of the activity and a calendar is being developed.

2008: Back to the Streets

In 2008, there will be no WSF. In its place a week of mobilizations and activities will be organized by groups in their local communities under a broad theme that will be defined by a working group of the IC. This will be a refreshing and probably much needed break for the process. The point remains, however, that the agenda of the WSF in 2007 reverted to strategy, not vision. In some ways this is a step forward, since there are concrete initiatives for us to engage, but the WSF is supposed to be the distinct venue for this debate to happen at the global level. It is not clear whether we are closer or further from this happening.

Throughout its history the WSF has played a facilitating role in global coordination of international movements:
The key idea is the creation of networks, which the WSF is singularly equipped to construct at a global level. There is now an effective network of feminists. For the first time, at Nairobi, there was instituted a network of labor struggles (defining the concept of "worker" quite broadly). There is now an ongoing network of activist intellectuals. The network of rural/peasant movements has been reinforced. There is a budding network of those defending alternative sexualities (which permitted Kenyan gay and lesbian movements to affirm a public presence that had been difficult before). There is an anti-war network (immediately concerned with Iraq and the Middle East in general). And there are functional networks on specific arenas of struggle - water rights, the struggle against HIV/AIDS, human rights.
The WSF is also spawning manifestos: the so-called Bamako Appeal , which expounds a whole campaign against capitalism; a feminist manifesto, now in its second draft and continuing to evolve; a labor manifesto which is just being born. There will no doubt be other such manifestos as the WSF continues. The fourth day of the meeting was devoted essentially to meetings of these networks, each of which was deciding what kinds of joint actions it could undertake - in its own name, but within the umbrella of the WSF.
What some refer to as the Global Justice and Solidarity Movement (GJSM), has won significant victories against its neoliberal adversaries since the inception of the WSF. The Free Trade Area of the Americas, the extension of NAFTA-like trade policies was declared dead and “buried” in Mar de Plata, Argentina in November, 2005 . The WTO has met stiff resistance in every corner of the globe. Negotiations were disrupted in Cancún in September 2003 and later stalled in Hong Kong in December 2005. Some countries (Thailand, Brazil, Argentina, Indonesia) have declared that they will never again accept loans from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. This is the result of governments from the Global South taking strong stands against the more powerful northern governments and multi-national corporations. This would not be possible if the south were not emboldened by the exponential growth and militancy of social movements.

The Social Movements Assembly, which was spawned at the first World Social Forum as the space where the international networks coordinate, plays a key role in mobilizing the GJSM. Although the relationship with the WSF is sometimes antagonistic, it is certainly symbiotic. Most meetings of the SMA happen during the WSF proceedings, and many of the same actors play leading roles in both the SMA and the International Council. The SMA was responsible for the largest peoples mobilization ever: the historic anti-war marches on February 15, 2003. Although this did not prevent the U.S. from invading Iraq, it did help to galvanize the anti-war movement in many parts of the world.

The Latin American Alternatives

Some on the International Council credit the WSF with bringing together movements that have helped shape the new political landscape of Latin America. One representative from Cuba said that “the WSF didn’t create anything in Latin America that wasn’t already there - the movements already existed. What the WSF created was a convergence of these movements.” It was no accident that South America, Brazil in particular, would be the birthplace of the WSF.

The site of the first three WSFs in Porto Alegre was significant, highlighting the model of Participatory Budgeting used by the local government and being implemented throughout southern Brazil. Hosting the WSF in Brazil also gave international visibility to Luis Ignacio da Silva (Lula) in his run towards his first term at the Presidency. Lula’s victory was the first in a chain of national electoral victories for the Left in Latin America – Nestor Kirchner in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Michelle Bachelet in Chile, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. Despite charges of corruption, Lula won a run-off election handily for a second term, carried by the electoral support of the poor in Brazil. This provides an opportunity for the Latin American Presidents with publicly anti-neoliberal policies to consolidate their economic and political strength in the region.

Much of the debate and dialogue around alternatives now focuses on the actions of the Latin American governments – mainly the new initiatives toward economic integration like ALBA (Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America and the Caribbean). This is founded on a principal of economic cooperation and functions as a system of bartering for resources based on need (Cuba trading agricultural goods for oil to Venezuela, etc.) Agreements are also made between governments and social movements like the Landless Peoples Movement in Brazil. For many, the ALBA represents hope for a new kind of globalization that does not exploit people and the environment.

The underlying point of contention for the new, Leftist governments, however, will be energy policy. Although much of the oil and gas resources are being nationalized, the emphasis is still on fossil fuels development. This will create tensions over environmental concerns, Indigenous sovereignty and, ultimately, sustainability of the government experiments. If economic development and the alleviation of poverty are dependent on oil and gas, how long can it last?

Nevertheless, Latin America leads the way in terms of defining global political alternatives in an era where the U.S. empire is in decline and China and India are emerging as new global economic powers. This has created new challenges for the social movements in Latin America – how do they maintain autonomy from the newly elected governments and keep their elected leaders accountable. For this reason, some of the debates within the Americas Social Forum (ASF) are among the most interesting and strategic.

The Hemispheric Council of the ASF seems to strike an effective balance between the social movement organizations and NGOs. The process is anchored by large Brazilian organizations like the Unified Workers Confederation (CUT) and the MST, as well as international networks like the Convergence of Movements of Peoples of the Americas (COMPA) and the Continental Social Alliance (CSA), which formed in opposition to the Free Trade Area of the Americas.

Venezuelan participation has increased since the 2006 WSF. The Hemispheric Council is housed out of the Network of Women Transforming the Economy (REMTE) based in Quito, Ecuador (site of the first Americas Social Forum). Other research and policy organizations like IBASE in Brazil and CLACSO in Argentina are also active in the process. Another key group is the Cuban Martin Luther King Center, a faith-based organization in Havana that does capacity building and popular education.

The Hemispheric Council is now setting its sights on Central America. Political movements that survived the brutal repression and military interventions in the region by the U.S. during the ‘80s are gaining strength. This is partly signified by the victory of the Sandinista Party in Nicaragua earlier this year, when Daniel Ortega regained the Presidency. The HC announced that the next Americas Social Forum would be in Guatemala in mid-2008. A firm date has not yet been set. It is likely that the HC sees the ASF in Guatemala as a potentially catalytic event that could strengthen the movement building efforts throughout Central America, Mexico, the Caribbean and perhaps the United States.

The Road to Atlanta

The US Social Forum marks the next significant step in the Social Forum process. Like all social forums, the conditions within the U.S. are unique and, some would argue, even more difficult. Unlike Latin America, it is unclear whether we have strong social movements. Union membership is declining to historic lows, movements remain fractured and we are caught in many defensive battles rather than forging a long-term national agenda. The lack of a national progressive response to the disaster of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita demonstrated our shortcomings and a lack of effective national solidarity.

There have been hopeful signs, however, particularly with the huge immigrant rights mobilizations in 2006, the ouster of the Republican Party from control of the House and Senate and the growing rage against the war and occupation of the Middle East. Yet, there is no proactive agenda. While the immigrants rights movement debates legislation to provide some relief, we offer no vision for long-term economic, military and political change that will protect migrants in the U.S., nor prevent people from being displaced in the Global South. There is universal condemnation of the war, yet no national progressive plan for withdrawal or to change energy and resource policies to end U.S. military interventions.

It was clear from discussions with many people in the World Social Forum in Nairobi, that there is a lot of anticipation around the world for the U.S. Social Forum. Many international allies are anxious to attend, many are eager to know what initiatives emerge.

What can we expect from a USSF?

We need to be clear that during the course of five days we will not provide a roadmap for change in the U.S. While we talk about the USSF as a process, in reality, the USSF, like all social forums, will be a point of convergence for many processes. The trajectories of a variety of organizations and movements will come together in Atlanta. We need some time to reflect, to see each other and develop a snapshot of the progressive forces that will ultimately shape national and international politics in the future. The USSF will be a moment to take stock of where we are and what we have to build a movement. New relationships will be forged, older relationships will be reborn, current partnerships will be strengthened.

Some groups will come in ready to talk strategy. Grassroots Global Justice, for instance, is talking to partners in Latin America, Korea and the U.S. about organizing a response to the key U.S. trade agreements with South Korea, Colombia and Peru. Others are coming together around military bases. Groups from the Gulf Coast envision the USSF as a springboard towards the Peoples Tribunals and Survivors’ Conference in New Orleans in late August. Of course many others will be there to talk about the war, Indigenous sovereignty, energy, gay and lesbian rights, gender, education, immigrants rights and, without a doubt, the 2008 National Elections.

The National Planning Committee (NPC) has defined 5 core issues and will organize plenary discussions on these topics: 1) Gulf Coast Reconstruction, 2) The War and Militarism, 3) Immigrant Rights, 4) Energy Exploitation and Indigenous Sovereignty, and 5) Workers Rights. During the course of the past 18 months, key moments surfaced in each of these areas that provided significant national challenges or potential movement building moments. The extent to which we responded to, will respond, or build on these moments will be the subject of the plenaries and important dialogues. In addition, the agenda of the self-organized activities will be structured by a different theme each day: Day 1) Consciousness, Day 2) Vision, Day 3) Strategy. The cross-cutting themes will be defined by the NPC as activities are registered.

The purpose of all of this is to create a convergence – to look beyond our own issues and to think about how we build the whole as a movement. If the successes of the Southeast Social Forum and the Border Social Forum were any indication, we are on the right track.

We encourage people to organize activities with other groups that can help with this convergence. We must also bear in mind that this is an international process - that we are taking our place in a dialogue happening throughout the world. In a very real sense our fate is tied to what happens with the global justice and solidarity movement. A message needs to resonate from the USSF that we are not isolated from the international community.

Undoubtedly, many will leave the forum asking themselves and their colleagues ”What did we just do?“ The answers to that may not be totally clear on July 2. But in 10 years we may look back on this moment and realize that at a critical point during a critical time we came together and fought, struggled, argued, laughed, cried, sang and marched. And just maybe that ”aha moment“ will come to many of us, and we will have a glimpse of what a different U.S. will look like in the context of another world.

Michael Leon Guerrero is the Coordinator of the Grassroots Global Justice Alliance, www.ggjalliance.org and a member of the USSF National Planning Committee. He also serves as a GGJ representative to the World Social Forum International Council and was a member of the Americas Social Forum Operating Secretariat for the 2006 World Social Forum in Caracas, Venezuela.

Check the WSF website for links to coverage of the WSF 2007 in Nairobi:
http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/noticias_01.php?cd_news=2306&cd_language=2

For more info on the US Social Forum, go to: www.ussf2007.org.